LANGUAGE
Language is a form of communication through the use of speech, a collection of sounds that are understood by a group of people to have the same meaning. A collection of languages related to each other because of having a common ancestor is known as a language family. An individual language may have several dialects, i.e., forms spoken in different areas. According to linguists, languages can be classified into three basic types according to their structure. These are (a) mOl1osyllabic, where words aSSllme different meanings depending on their position in the sentence, as in Chinese, Vietnamese, Thai and Tibetan; (b)agglutinative, where prefixes and suffixes can alter words, as in Malay, Japanese and many African languages; and (c) inflexional, where flexibility marks the words and they
can be modified to give the required meaning, as in, English, French and other Indo-European languages including Urdu, Bengali and Hindi.
Indo-European languages are spoken by nearly half of the people in the world. To this group belong the Germanic, Romanic, Balto-Slavic and the Indo-Aryan branches. SindTibetan is another language family. Basque is the only
language to survive in Europe from the period prior to the . Indo-European onslaught. Uralic and Altaic language families are also prevalent in Europe and Asia. Finnish and Hungarian are Uralic languages.
Africa has a large number of languages-as many as 1000. In the northern region Arabic is used. In the south linguists have classified the languages into three main families-Niger.-Congo, Khoisan and Nilo-Saharan.
Showing posts with label Religion. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Religion. Show all posts
Sunday, November 22, 2009
Percentage of Child Population in the Age Group 0-6 to Total Population
Percentage of Child Population in the Age Group 0-6 to Total Population-
At the national level among all religions, the proportion of child population stands at 15.9 per cent in 2001 Census. Muslim population records the highest proportion of population in the age group 0-6 at 18.7 per cent followed by 'Other Religions and Persuasions' (18.0 per cent). The lowest proportion of population in this age group is seen among Jains at 10.6 per cent preceded by Sikhs at 12.8 per cent. In fact, barring the Muslims and 'Other Religions and Persuasions', remaining religious communities have returned lower proportion in this age group as compared to the national average.
At the national level among all religions, the proportion of child population stands at 15.9 per cent in 2001 Census. Muslim population records the highest proportion of population in the age group 0-6 at 18.7 per cent followed by 'Other Religions and Persuasions' (18.0 per cent). The lowest proportion of population in this age group is seen among Jains at 10.6 per cent preceded by Sikhs at 12.8 per cent. In fact, barring the Muslims and 'Other Religions and Persuasions', remaining religious communities have returned lower proportion in this age group as compared to the national average.
RELIGIOUS GROUPS OF INDIA
RELIGIOUS GROUPS OF INDIA
According to Census 2001, at the national level, of 1028 million population, 828 million (80.5 per cent) have returned their religion as Hindus followed by 138 million (13.4 per cent) as Muslims and 24 million (2.3 per cent) Christians. 19 million (1.9 per cent) persons follow Sikh religion; 8 million; (0.8 per cent) are Buddhists and 4.2 million (0.4 per cent) are Jains as per the 2001 Census. In addition to these, 6.6 million belong to 'Other Religions and Persuasions' including tribal religions which are not part of the six main religions stated above. About seven lakh (or 0.7 million) persons have not stated their religion.
The adjusted growth rate of Hindu population has come down from 22.8 per cent in 1981-91 to 20.0 per cent in 1991-2001. Similar trends are observed among Buddhists which declined from 36.0 per cent in 1981-1991 to 23.2 per cent during 1991-2001. If adjusted data is considered, the Muslim growth rate will decline from 32.9 per cent during 1981-91 to 29.3 per cent during 1991-2001, while for Christians it would increase from 17.0 per cent to 22.1 per cent during 1991-2001. In addition, Jain population also has registered growth rate of 26.0 per cent against very-low growth rate of 4.6 per cent during 1981-1991. Abnormally low population growth of Jains in the last decade appears to be an aberration when compared with the previous decades. Overall adjusted growth rate among the 'Other Religion and Persuasions' has been very high during 19912001 Census at 113.1 per cent followed by 'Religion Not Stated' (75.1 per cent). In brief, emergence of 'Other Religions and Persuasions' is one of the key findings of Census 2001.
The Parsi population deserves an exceptional but definite mention due to their very small numbers not only in India but also in the world. As per 2001 census the Parsi population in the country is 69,601 (33,949 males and 35,652 females) as against their population of 76,382 (37,736 males and 38,646 females) in the 1991 census. This is a clear visible but extremely unfortunate decline of a rich civilisation of Zoroastrians and its people. It is apparent from 2001 census results that urgent and drastic interventions are required by all concerned including possibly by the government and definitely the Parsi community leaders to ensure survival of Parsi population in India. Fertility improvement innovative initiatives rather than fertility control measures adopted by the community so far are possibly the need of the hour before it reaches a point of no return.
According to Census 2001, at the national level, of 1028 million population, 828 million (80.5 per cent) have returned their religion as Hindus followed by 138 million (13.4 per cent) as Muslims and 24 million (2.3 per cent) Christians. 19 million (1.9 per cent) persons follow Sikh religion; 8 million; (0.8 per cent) are Buddhists and 4.2 million (0.4 per cent) are Jains as per the 2001 Census. In addition to these, 6.6 million belong to 'Other Religions and Persuasions' including tribal religions which are not part of the six main religions stated above. About seven lakh (or 0.7 million) persons have not stated their religion.
The adjusted growth rate of Hindu population has come down from 22.8 per cent in 1981-91 to 20.0 per cent in 1991-2001. Similar trends are observed among Buddhists which declined from 36.0 per cent in 1981-1991 to 23.2 per cent during 1991-2001. If adjusted data is considered, the Muslim growth rate will decline from 32.9 per cent during 1981-91 to 29.3 per cent during 1991-2001, while for Christians it would increase from 17.0 per cent to 22.1 per cent during 1991-2001. In addition, Jain population also has registered growth rate of 26.0 per cent against very-low growth rate of 4.6 per cent during 1981-1991. Abnormally low population growth of Jains in the last decade appears to be an aberration when compared with the previous decades. Overall adjusted growth rate among the 'Other Religion and Persuasions' has been very high during 19912001 Census at 113.1 per cent followed by 'Religion Not Stated' (75.1 per cent). In brief, emergence of 'Other Religions and Persuasions' is one of the key findings of Census 2001.
The Parsi population deserves an exceptional but definite mention due to their very small numbers not only in India but also in the world. As per 2001 census the Parsi population in the country is 69,601 (33,949 males and 35,652 females) as against their population of 76,382 (37,736 males and 38,646 females) in the 1991 census. This is a clear visible but extremely unfortunate decline of a rich civilisation of Zoroastrians and its people. It is apparent from 2001 census results that urgent and drastic interventions are required by all concerned including possibly by the government and definitely the Parsi community leaders to ensure survival of Parsi population in India. Fertility improvement innovative initiatives rather than fertility control measures adopted by the community so far are possibly the need of the hour before it reaches a point of no return.
Religion
RELIGION
The origin of religion probably lay in the human response to environment and natural phenomena. A need was felt to propitiate spirits controlling the weather or the movements of animals. Many people still have such animistic beliefs. Complex dogmatic religions grew up later. These included among their precepts correct modes of conduct.
Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, Shinto, Christianity and Islam are major religions of the world. A brief survey of the origin and philosophy of major religions of the world has been given in the General Knowledge Review Section of the book. Christianity has the largest followers, followed by Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Tribalism or animism, atheism, Sikkism, Taoism, Judaism, Baha'esm, Confucianism, Jainism, Shintoism and Zoroastrianism in that order.
The origin of religion probably lay in the human response to environment and natural phenomena. A need was felt to propitiate spirits controlling the weather or the movements of animals. Many people still have such animistic beliefs. Complex dogmatic religions grew up later. These included among their precepts correct modes of conduct.
Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism, Shinto, Christianity and Islam are major religions of the world. A brief survey of the origin and philosophy of major religions of the world has been given in the General Knowledge Review Section of the book. Christianity has the largest followers, followed by Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Tribalism or animism, atheism, Sikkism, Taoism, Judaism, Baha'esm, Confucianism, Jainism, Shintoism and Zoroastrianism in that order.
Friday, November 20, 2009
TRIBAL DISTRIBUTION
DISTRIBUTION From the point of view of distribution and diversity of the tribal population, India can be divided into seven zones.
1. North Zone This zone covers Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, sub-Himalayan Uttar Pradesh, Uttaranchal and Bihar. The prominent tribes here are Khasa, Tharu, Bhoksa, Bhotias, Gujjars and the Jaunsaris. Khasas are a polyandrous tribe. Bhotias make carpets and are involved in the Indo-China border trade. The Gujjars are a pastoral tribe.
The major problems of the tribes of this zone are inaccessibility, lack of communication, poverty, illiteracy and land alienation.
1. North Zone This zone covers Himachal Pradesh, Punjab, sub-Himalayan Uttar Pradesh, Uttaranchal and Bihar. The prominent tribes here are Khasa, Tharu, Bhoksa, Bhotias, Gujjars and the Jaunsaris. Khasas are a polyandrous tribe. Bhotias make carpets and are involved in the Indo-China border trade. The Gujjars are a pastoral tribe.
The major problems of the tribes of this zone are inaccessibility, lack of communication, poverty, illiteracy and land alienation.
CONCEPT OF TRIBE
CONCEPT OF TRIBE Conventionally, anthropologists considered all people as tribes who were backward in some sense or other, inhabited remote, inaccessible areas and were not familiar with the art of writing. They were considered racially different and lived in isolation. Such a concept, however, does not quite describe the tribes of India: these groups always had links with other people (who were not tribals) and shared with them a largely common cultural heritage.
On an official level in India, the term 'scheduled tribes' is used as a generalisation which does not quite reflect the underlying heterogeneity of the tribes of India. For one thing, there is much confusion about the names-the same names occur in many regions, though they do not exactly denote the same tribe; sub-tribes are equated with tribes, thus multiplying the number of tribes unnecessarily; the same tribe has been given more than one name, thus creating a difference where none exists. Confusion also arises from variations in language: names are pronounced differently in different regions and in tribal dialects. It is thus difficult to arrive at a clear picture of the tribes and their distribution.
The term 'scheduled tribes' in India is generally determined by the political and administrative consideration of uplifting a section of the Indian people which has been relatively remotely situated in the hills and forests and which is backward in terms of the indices of development. The scheduled tribes have been identified in terms of the two parameters of relative isolation and backwardness.
In a recent survey conducted by the Anthropological Survey of India under the 'People of India Project', 461 tribal communities have been identified all over the country, out of which 174 are sub-groups.
As Aijazuddin Ahmad points out in his Social Geography, "Tribal communities have been scheduled under varied contexts. This has resulted in serious anomalies. Many a time the states have treated scheduled tribes and scheduled castes as mutually interchangeable categories." Thus, Gujjars are a Muslim scheduled tribe (ST) in Himachal Pradesh and
. Jammu and Kashmir but a non-ST in Punjab; Kamars are an ST in Maharashtra but a Hindu caste in West Bengal; and Manne Dora as ST in Andhra Pradesh but non-ST Hindu in Orissa.
On an official level in India, the term 'scheduled tribes' is used as a generalisation which does not quite reflect the underlying heterogeneity of the tribes of India. For one thing, there is much confusion about the names-the same names occur in many regions, though they do not exactly denote the same tribe; sub-tribes are equated with tribes, thus multiplying the number of tribes unnecessarily; the same tribe has been given more than one name, thus creating a difference where none exists. Confusion also arises from variations in language: names are pronounced differently in different regions and in tribal dialects. It is thus difficult to arrive at a clear picture of the tribes and their distribution.
The term 'scheduled tribes' in India is generally determined by the political and administrative consideration of uplifting a section of the Indian people which has been relatively remotely situated in the hills and forests and which is backward in terms of the indices of development. The scheduled tribes have been identified in terms of the two parameters of relative isolation and backwardness.
In a recent survey conducted by the Anthropological Survey of India under the 'People of India Project', 461 tribal communities have been identified all over the country, out of which 174 are sub-groups.
As Aijazuddin Ahmad points out in his Social Geography, "Tribal communities have been scheduled under varied contexts. This has resulted in serious anomalies. Many a time the states have treated scheduled tribes and scheduled castes as mutually interchangeable categories." Thus, Gujjars are a Muslim scheduled tribe (ST) in Himachal Pradesh and
. Jammu and Kashmir but a non-ST in Punjab; Kamars are an ST in Maharashtra but a Hindu caste in West Bengal; and Manne Dora as ST in Andhra Pradesh but non-ST Hindu in Orissa.
SCHEDULED CASTES IN INDIA : POPULATION
POPULATION According to the 2001 Census, the population of Scheduled Castes in India was 166.6 million which was 16.20 per cent of the total population of the country.
Numerically, the scheduled castes were the largest in Uttar Pradesh, followed by Maharashtra, Bihar and West Bengal. There were no Scheduled Castes in Nagaland, Mizoram, Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Lakshadweep. The highest proportion of the Scheduled Caste population (Le., Scheduled Caste population in a state/Union territory as percentage of total population of that state/union territory) was in Punjab while the lowest was in Nagaland. TRIBAL GROUPS IN INDIA
Numerically, the scheduled castes were the largest in Uttar Pradesh, followed by Maharashtra, Bihar and West Bengal. There were no Scheduled Castes in Nagaland, Mizoram, Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Lakshadweep. The highest proportion of the Scheduled Caste population (Le., Scheduled Caste population in a state/Union territory as percentage of total population of that state/union territory) was in Punjab while the lowest was in Nagaland. TRIBAL GROUPS IN INDIA
SCHEDULED CASTES IN INDIA : Distribution
SCHEDULED CASTES IN INDIA
DISTRIBUTION The Scheduled Castes are mainly to be found in the alluvial and coastal plains of India, as they are mostly associated with agricultural activities. (By contrast, tribal groups are rarely to be found in the alluvial plains.)
Aijazuddin Ahmed in his book Social Geography explains the striking differences in the distribution of the SCs in different regions/states of the country. He notes that these castes were dependent on the higher castes in their economic as well as other spheres of their life, and that this dependence has not decreased with time.
With the advent of the agrarian mode of production these caste-groups got associated with agriculture. In fact, they were the main suppliers of labour. This explains their heavy concentration in the states of the North Indian Plain as well as over the coastal plains of the peninsular states.
Away from the alluvial plains of the north and the coastal plains of the south, one observes a sudden decrease in the proportion of these castes in population. This is particularly true for the hilly and the forested tracts which happen to be the abode of tribal communities. Another striking fact is that an overwhelming proportion of the SCs (about 90 per cent) is confined to rural areas. It explains their overwhelming dependence on agriculture. Despite their basic dependence on agriculture they have very little access to land. A very small fraction of their population consists of small landholders. In fact, they mostly work as landless agricultural labourers, or as artisans. They also provide a variety of services to the land-owning castes generally considered as polluting and unclean services.
DISTRIBUTION The Scheduled Castes are mainly to be found in the alluvial and coastal plains of India, as they are mostly associated with agricultural activities. (By contrast, tribal groups are rarely to be found in the alluvial plains.)
Aijazuddin Ahmed in his book Social Geography explains the striking differences in the distribution of the SCs in different regions/states of the country. He notes that these castes were dependent on the higher castes in their economic as well as other spheres of their life, and that this dependence has not decreased with time.
With the advent of the agrarian mode of production these caste-groups got associated with agriculture. In fact, they were the main suppliers of labour. This explains their heavy concentration in the states of the North Indian Plain as well as over the coastal plains of the peninsular states.
Away from the alluvial plains of the north and the coastal plains of the south, one observes a sudden decrease in the proportion of these castes in population. This is particularly true for the hilly and the forested tracts which happen to be the abode of tribal communities. Another striking fact is that an overwhelming proportion of the SCs (about 90 per cent) is confined to rural areas. It explains their overwhelming dependence on agriculture. Despite their basic dependence on agriculture they have very little access to land. A very small fraction of their population consists of small landholders. In fact, they mostly work as landless agricultural labourers, or as artisans. They also provide a variety of services to the land-owning castes generally considered as polluting and unclean services.
CASTE IN INDIA
CASTE IN INDIA
The Indian social structure has developed over time mainly on the basis of caste; indeed, it is generally believed that, as a phenomenon, caste is a specificity unique to Indian society. Modem education, urbanisation, economic development and socio-political reform movements have, to an extent, brought about a change in attitude towards the rigidities of the caste system. On the other hand, the introduction of democratic institutions and elected representatioa in governance at grassroot level upwards have given a fresh dimension to caste identity: political parties have no hesitation in catering to caste interests to swell their vote banks.
The origins of the caste system are not clear. It is generally agreed that a division of labour came about as a result of the growth of an agricultural society and villages when the new ethnic element was introduced in the indigenous population of the day with the arrival of the Indo-Aryans. An element of race (and colour of the skin) no doubt played a part in.the social divisions that emerged. The chatur vania system was created and it is generally believed that the Indo-Aryans emerged as the custodians of knowledge (brahmin) and the defenders of territory (kshsatriya) while the others were assigned the lower status of vaisya and sudra with the work of cultivation and manufacture of artisan goods. Unclean jobs-treating the dead bodies of animals, for instance-were for the lowest strata of society and described as 'exterior' castes, or outcastes.
Division of labour is not unique to India; what is unique to India is the institutionalisation of this division of labour into the rigid system of caste so much so that a vocation became a fixed hereditary trait of a family. In due course of time, the varna system acquired the features of a class division. The brahmin and kshatriya emerged as the upper classes. However, caste is not class, as mobility from one caste to another is not possible. Caste to this day determines, in large parts of the country, the pattern of social interaction and commensal relations, Le., whether food or water may be accepted from a member of a certain caste, as Aijazuddin Ahmad observes. Over time, four major castes have divided and sub-divided into many more subcastes. Access to land has historically been determined by caste. The upper castes were also the landed gentry, while those on the lower rungs of the caste society were landless, working on the land owned by the upper castes. The landed sections of population emerged as "dominant" castes as MN. Srinivas observes in his India: Social Structure. The system remained the same, by and large, throughout the Mughal rule and was reinforced by the British when they established their empire. With land getting accumulated in the hands of the higher castes, the sudras, the artisans, and the other sections, especially the outcastes, were rendered to abject levels of poverty. The lowest rungs of this caste society have been given the status of scheduled castes (SC) in independent India.
The Indian social structure has developed over time mainly on the basis of caste; indeed, it is generally believed that, as a phenomenon, caste is a specificity unique to Indian society. Modem education, urbanisation, economic development and socio-political reform movements have, to an extent, brought about a change in attitude towards the rigidities of the caste system. On the other hand, the introduction of democratic institutions and elected representatioa in governance at grassroot level upwards have given a fresh dimension to caste identity: political parties have no hesitation in catering to caste interests to swell their vote banks.
The origins of the caste system are not clear. It is generally agreed that a division of labour came about as a result of the growth of an agricultural society and villages when the new ethnic element was introduced in the indigenous population of the day with the arrival of the Indo-Aryans. An element of race (and colour of the skin) no doubt played a part in.the social divisions that emerged. The chatur vania system was created and it is generally believed that the Indo-Aryans emerged as the custodians of knowledge (brahmin) and the defenders of territory (kshsatriya) while the others were assigned the lower status of vaisya and sudra with the work of cultivation and manufacture of artisan goods. Unclean jobs-treating the dead bodies of animals, for instance-were for the lowest strata of society and described as 'exterior' castes, or outcastes.
Division of labour is not unique to India; what is unique to India is the institutionalisation of this division of labour into the rigid system of caste so much so that a vocation became a fixed hereditary trait of a family. In due course of time, the varna system acquired the features of a class division. The brahmin and kshatriya emerged as the upper classes. However, caste is not class, as mobility from one caste to another is not possible. Caste to this day determines, in large parts of the country, the pattern of social interaction and commensal relations, Le., whether food or water may be accepted from a member of a certain caste, as Aijazuddin Ahmad observes. Over time, four major castes have divided and sub-divided into many more subcastes. Access to land has historically been determined by caste. The upper castes were also the landed gentry, while those on the lower rungs of the caste society were landless, working on the land owned by the upper castes. The landed sections of population emerged as "dominant" castes as MN. Srinivas observes in his India: Social Structure. The system remained the same, by and large, throughout the Mughal rule and was reinforced by the British when they established their empire. With land getting accumulated in the hands of the higher castes, the sudras, the artisans, and the other sections, especially the outcastes, were rendered to abject levels of poverty. The lowest rungs of this caste society have been given the status of scheduled castes (SC) in independent India.
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